Are Republicans Pro-Gun, Anti-Democracy, Anti-Constitution Stances Driven by Indirect Funding from Islamic Countries Linked to Global Terror?

Bandar Al-Jaloud/Saudi Royal Court/Anadolu via Getty Images

Washington, D.C. – Allegations of foreign influence in U.S. politics have resurfaced, with evidence pointing to Republican politicians, party organizations, and affiliated entities receiving funding—directly or indirectly—from Islamic countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Qatar, as well as individuals such as sheikhs tied to these nations. While direct campaign contributions from foreign governments are prohibited under U.S. law, including the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) and the Federal Election Campaign Act, funds often flow through U.S.-based lobbyists, dark money groups, or post-government investments, raising concerns about foreign influence on U.S. policy.

Public reports and filings reveal multiple instances of financial ties between Gulf states and Republican entities, often linked to efforts to shape U.S. foreign policy on issues like Iran, Qatar’s regional disputes, and energy deals. Below are key examples:

Saudi Arabia and the Congressional Leadership Fund (2011–2022): Norm Coleman, a former Republican senator and registered Saudi lobbyist, oversaw the American Action Network (AAN), which funneled over $94 million in dark money to the Congressional Leadership Fund, a major GOP super PAC supporting Republican congressional candidates. Coleman’s firm, Hogan Lovells, received $175,000 monthly from Saudi Arabia for lobbying efforts, according to FARA filings.

UAE Influence via George Nader and Elliot Broidy (2017–2018): George Nader, a UAE-linked lobbyist, paid $2.7 million to Elliot Broidy, then-deputy finance chair of the Republican National Committee, to push anti-Qatar and anti-Iran policies during the Trump administration. The funds supported conferences at conservative think tanks, including the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, aimed at influencing Republican lawmakers.

Jared Kushner’s Affinity Partners (2021–2023): Jared Kushner, former President Donald Trump’s son-in-law, secured significant investments for his private equity firm, Affinity Partners, from Gulf states. Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund (PIF) invested $2 billion, while UAE and Qatari sovereign wealth funds each contributed $200 million. These post-White House deals sparked ethics concerns over potential influence on Trump-era policies, including Iran sanctions and Middle East diplomacy.

Qatar’s Donations to Trump’s Inaugural Committee (2017): Imaad Zuberi, a GOP fundraiser, donated $900,000 to Trump’s inaugural committee around the time he arranged meetings with Qatar’s foreign minister at Trump Tower. Zuberi later faced charges for illegal lobbying, highlighting Qatar’s efforts to curry favor with Republican leadership.

Qatar’s Recent Lobbying (2024): The Qatari government, through the law firm Venable, donated $20,000 to House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) and the National Republican Senatorial Committee shortly after lobbying Johnson’s staff on Qatar’s influence in U.S. education amid campus protests, according to Politico.

UAE-Linked Donations (2016–2017): A scheme involving Lebanese-American businessman Ahmad Khawaja and others allegedly funneled over $3 million from UAE sources to both Democratic and Republican committees, including $1 million to Trump’s inaugural fund. While initially targeting Hillary Clinton’s campaign, the group shifted to Republicans post-2016, per court documents.

Saudi Lobbying Through Alfred Mottur (2019): Alfred Mottur, a registered Saudi agent, donated at least $1,000 to Republican candidates opposing Rep. John Delaney (D-MD), according to OpenSecrets data, illustrating how lobbyists’ personal donations can align with foreign interests.

Direct campaign contributions from foreign governments are illegal, but Gulf states leverage U.S.-based intermediaries to exert influence. Saudi Arabia, for instance, spent $21 million in 2022 on lobbying through firms like Hogan Lovells, per FARA disclosures. Dark money groups like the Congressional Leadership Fund obscure funding sources, but their ties to foreign agents have drawn scrutiny. Similarly, sovereign wealth fund investments, such as those to Kushner’s firm, bypass campaign finance laws but raise questions about post-government influence.

Some critics, citing these financial ties, speculate about deeper motives, including claims that Gulf funding could align with Republican stances on issues like gun rights or skepticism toward democratic institutions. However, no definitive evidence links these funds directly to anti-democracy or pro-terror agendas. The funding primarily appears aimed at securing favorable U.S. policies, such as supporting Saudi and UAE positions against Iran or resolving Qatar’s regional blockade.

Lebanese-American businessman Ahmad Khawaja claimed in 2020 that Saudi and UAE sheikhs funneled millions to Trump’s 2016 campaign through a payment engine, though these allegations remain unproven. Meanwhile, Qatar’s 131 communications with Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) since 2020, alongside $700,000 in donations to Congress from Qatari agents, suggest broad influence across party lines.

As of 2025, former President Trump’s Middle East trip secured $600 billion in Saudi investments and $1.2 trillion from Qatar, including discussions of a potential Qatari gift of an Air Force One plane. These deals, while economic in nature, intensify scrutiny over Gulf influence. No major new scandals have emerged, but ongoing lobbying efforts by Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar continue to target both parties.

While this article focuses on Republicans per the query, Democrats have also faced scrutiny for foreign funding. The Clinton Foundation, for example, received millions from Saudi Arabia and Qatar. The bipartisan nature of Gulf influence underscores the broader challenge of regulating foreign money in U.S. politics.

The documented financial ties between Republican entities and Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar highlight a complex web of lobbying, dark money, and investments. While these funds often align with Gulf states’ foreign policy goals, allegations of broader motives—such as undermining democracy or supporting terrorism—lack conclusive evidence. For further details, readers can explore Federal Election Commission (FEC) filings and OpenSecrets.org for transparent campaign finance data.Sources: FARA filings, OpenSecrets, Politico, Associated Press, court documents, and public reports through 2025.